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CND Special Report
June 30, 1990
Chinese Governmental Documents on Oversea Students
(Part 2)
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CND Editor's Note: This and the following package in this series was
translated by IFCSS with some polishing by CND staffs.
IFCSS = Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars (USA);
FCSSC = Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in Canada.
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A Summary of Speeches Made by Leading Officials
on the Meeting of Education Consuls (Conselors) of
Chinese Embassies and Consulates
Note: In March, 1990, the State Education Commission Convened a meeting
of educational counselors (consuls) in Chinese embassies and consulates.
Speakers included He Dongchang, vice chairman of the State Education
Commission, Teng Teng (on propaganda program prepared by the Party's
Ministry of Propaganda), officials from the Ministry of Public Security
and the Ministry of National Security (on policies concerning the Front
for Democracy in China, the Chinese Alliance of Democracy, and other
organizations), Zuo Zhengfeng from the Foreign Ministry (on policies
concerning the United States and Canada), officials from the Party's
Department of Organization (on Party organizations among the Chinese
students and scholars in the United States and Canada). He Dongchang
summed up the main points presented at the meeting and an abstract of
the meeting was signed by Li Peng. The content of the meeting, which
closely concerns the Chinese students and scholars in the United States
and Canada, is introduce in several subjects as follows:
I. International and Domestic Situations
* The basic theory of Marx's scientific socialism is not wrong; the idea
that Marxism-Leninism is out of date must be firmly criticized.
* The changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe did not represent
the mainstream of history; they are serious setbacks in the development
of Socialism.
* The failure of Ceausescu the result of his disassociation from the
masses, the poor management of economy and the Soviet Intervention.
* The present international situation is similar to that of the 1894 --
1914 period, when capitalism made some headway in a peaceful environment
and the international labor movement was disrupted by the opportunists
that emerged from the (Communist) Second International.
* The "new thinking" of Gorbachev is a more thorough negation of Stalin
and is not doing any good to the international Communist movement.
* The changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have brought about
difficulties. The hard time for the peoples of these countries has just
begun. Economic reform cannot be accomplished in an unstable situation.
Eastern Europe's foreign debts total 170 billion and the current foreign
loans are just enough to pay the interests. Poland's open market policy
is unworkable economically. The Soviet Union also faces the problem of
Lithuania. Now each West German state is helping one East German
district, Bavaria is helping Hungry and Czechoslovakia. Except for East
Germany, other Eastern European countries are going to have a hard time.
* The Soviet Union is confronted with critical social and nationality
crises. The economy has deteriorated and many anti-Communist
organizations appeared.
* China will continue its reform road, but is not Social Democratism,
but an self-perfection of Socialism.
* The strong point of our Party is that it has not been influenced by
Social Democratism. The ten-year reform has been fruitful, otherwise we
would not have been able to resist this worldwide upheaval.
* Institutions of high education constituted the area that was hit most
by the disaster. Only one third of them carried on routine work. A
considerable proportion of grassroot organizations lacked combat
strength and was involved in the riot. In a few universities, the riot
was endorsed by the authorities, such as Shenzhen University, whose
President has been removed from his post by Guangdong province.
* After the incident of Romania, counter-revolutionary slogans have
increased. The changes in the Soviet Union, apparently quiet, also had
some influence in China.
* During the winter vacation, high school students conducted surveys.
The people were basically contented, especially about the price and the
anti-pornography campaign. However, there was still discontent about the
corruptions in the Party.
* The the corruptions in the Party should be exposed, but it is not
allowed to negate the leadership of the Party in the name of anti-
corruption.
* In the past ten years, news media failed to provide proper guidance
for the public opinion.
* The negation of Mao Zedong thought means the negation of the history
of the Chinese Communist Party. In the Soviet Union Stalin was negated
thoroughly.
* Last year we won a great political victory; economy and the
ideological front have also taken a better turn, and yet we cannot
expect an immediate improvement of the situation. It will take a long
time.
* At the domestic market, the price of food has dropped while that of
the clothing risen. The industry is facing difficulties; Purchase powers
of consummers and enterprices have been curbed. In Jiangxi province,
dinners and banquets held at public expense has dropped by 80 percent.
At present, the market is slack, large quantities of products are piling
up. For instance, the No. 1 Auto Factory has 30,000 vehicles to be sold.
Nevertheless, last year's agricultural output was better than the year
before.
* 3.5% workers have been laid off at the national level and some of them
will have to go back to rural areas. Electric machinery is suffering the
greatest difficulties.
II. Policy Concerning the Chinese Students and Scholars in the
United States and Canada and Instruction to Embassies and
Consulates
* The work on exchange students and scholars should be given a higher
regard and be perceived as an international struggle and an and a
struggle against brain-drain. We should hold high the banner of
patriotism and at the same time, expose and strike at the small group of
people. This is a long struggle. The diplomats are carrying out an
arduous task fighting in the front. Now it is a struggle of life and
death. Every embassy, every individual has to rely on their own and,
consequently, it is allowed in many cases to take actions without first
asking for instructions.
* The United States is holding the exchange students and scholars as
hostages, so we should not push them over. Our embassy people must view
this problem from the standpoint of a struggle and should not limit
their work to routine management of student affairs.
* It is impossible to bring all the exchange students back. We should be
realistic. Our policy is to expand progressive force, win over the
middle-roaders, and isolate the reactionary. Our struggle should be
based on righteousness, benefit, and constraint. In a way, the Party
work is underground. Party organizations in the US can not openly
conduct their activities.
* There are exchange students who love the motherland, but they do not
like socialism very much. We should look at this correctly and work hard
on them, letting them see that the situation in China is improving.
* We must expand the first category, protect them and support them, even
if they only make up only a few percent. We must correctly treat those
who have wavered and distinguish them from those who are anti-
government. The people we rely on can be divided into two types, those
who have been always steadfast and those who have wavered once before.
* Our policy must be exemplified with the second, the third, and part of
the fourth categories. We can set up a few good examples in regard to
the problem of their passport extensions.
* The battle [against anti-government forces] must be well calculated.
There is no hurry to deal blows to those who are still hidden. The
battle should be divided into different stages and our first targets
should be those who are not looked upon even by righteous Americans.
* The lesson to be drawn in the case of the United States is that the
Party's work failed to follow up promptly. Those who stand firm with us
should be organized, those who are not so firm can be kept in touch,
whereas those who are reactionary should be done away with. Our goal is
to make most patriotic and some return. It will be worth the effort if
we can have even a few percentage of people [to return] who still hold
socialist ideas.
* We must try hard to win over the masses in between and our slogans and
aims must be appropriate. Do not say that the majority of exchange
students have no feelings for the motherland. They only want to stay a
little longer and save up more money, which weakness was explored by the
Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars (IFCSS). We must
inspire the students with patriotism.
* Student work should give priority to development of Party organiza-
tions and gain control of the Friendship Associations of Chinese
Students and Scholars in local schools. We must oppose the activities of
IFCSS, FDC (Federation for Democracy in China) and CAD (Chinese Alliance
for Democracy).
* We have to speak in two different tones. Publicly, we talk about
patriotism and lawfulness. To Party members and other backbone members
we should also talk about socialism and Communism. Some backbone members
should be placed in the third echelon and remain under-cover. They must
be ready to replace those in the second echelon.
* We should form some intermediary organizations, such as clubs devoted
to entertainment and recreation activities. They should not sing a high
tune; instead, they are used to unite those middle-roaders who are
inclined to side with us.
* It must be said in the open statements that the government has no
intention to abandon the students and withdraw the demand that they
return to serve the motherland. It is understandable that they are not
returning in the immediate future due to various reasons. If they think
they need more time, we can extend their stay. We can also help those
who have difficulties. We believe that the majority are patriotic; we
will be happy to see them return; however, if they choose to stay we
will not press them to come back. Then we can set good examples by
extending passports for a few students.
* Some have changed their J-1 visas into F-1 visas and these can be
treated as self-supported students. However, distinctions must be made;
some can be allowed to renew passports. We welcome them to pay back the
training fee; if they do not pay, we will not force them. We can
overlook such trivialities. In that case they owe us our kindness, but
it must be made clear what is right and what is wrong. No matter whether
they pay it or not, they are wrong for not returning. For a small group
of people (about 10%), their passports should be handled on individual
basis. As for the reactionary backbone members, their exchange student
status, Party membership, job status back at home should all be
suspended. They should not be allowed to come back to China. The
majority still love the motherland and this feeling will play on them in
the long run. Their life in the West is not easy.
(To be continued.)
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From: cnd-editor@bronze.ucs.indiana.edu
Subject: China News Digest Special Report, July 1, 1990
To: HANG NING , DAWEI LI ,
D TUAN ,
CND READER ,
Xu Gang
* * * C H I N A N E W S D I G E S T * * *
Special Report
July 1, 1990
Chinese Governmental Documents on Oversea Students
(Part 3)
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(Continued from yesterday.)
* As for those who have been naturalized, so long as they correct their
mistakes with action (to return to China), we will not hold them
responsible.
* We will temporarily suspend state-sponsored exchange student programs
with the United States and Canada and only send visiting scholars. For
those who hold job positions, if their work units do not agree to let
them go to visit their spouses abroad, they can be allowed to quit the
job. Do not call it expulsion. If 5% exchange students come back, it
will be even better than 100%, because this 5% has been tempered in the
fire.
* Effort must be made to ensure the first category of students will all
return. We have to keep in touch with the academic front. Those who
return should be properly assigned. From now on, we should stop sending
these young people out. A total of 7,000 have gone from 36 institutions.
As a result, the work in these schools has been affected.
* It is not right to send the students abroad before they work at home
and gain some knowledge of the situation in China. This has made it
difficult to recruit graduate students at home. Because of the
"five-year" provision, many do not want to pursue graduate studies.
They only want to use the domestic graduate programs as a spring-board
to enable them to go abroad, so it is better not have to them into
graduate programs. It must be made clear that students must work at home
first before they go abroad or that they are only allowed to receive
training at home.
* The practice of sending abroad students of social sciences is a
failure. However, we should tell exchange students that if they can
relate what they learned with the situation in China, love the
motherland and love socialism, what they have learned will still be
useful.
* The problem of IFCSS is complicated and should be studied carefully.
If we declare that it is a counter-revolutionary organization, how shall
we deal the majority of students? We are going to withhold this
declaration, but we must strike those ringleaders. We cannot allow them
to hold the reins.
* On January 7th, the Ministry of Public Security declared that the
passports of Wan Runnan, Chen Yizi, and Yan Jiaqi have been voided.
There are over one hundred ringleaders in FDC, CAD and IFCSS. We shall
contacte the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Public Security to
void their passports at different stages, mainly:
1) the top leaders who took as their goal to overthrow socialism and
subvert the government, such as the core figures of FDC, CAD and the
Liberal Democratic Party;
2) those who have instigated riots, conspired, organized, attended or
provided materials for the U.S. Congressional hearings;
3) those who publicly seeked political asylum;
4) leaders of the newspapers and radio stations that persist in
opposing the government and the Party and openly carry anti-Party
messages;
5) those who collude with anti-China, anti-communist forces both at
home and abroad and work hard to seek donations.
First blow can be dealt to five or six people in the first category. We
should single out those whose reputation has been compromised, such as
Wu'er Kaixi.
* In dealing with IFCSS lobbying activities, we should say that it is
understandable that the majority got involved in order to stay, but the
ringleaders, such as Liu Yongchuan and Han Lianchao, should be dealt
with harshly.
* To strike the ringleaders, we should give them a bad name. During the
anti-Japanese war, we used the name "Han Jian" (traitors to China). Now
we must think of a name that has a resounding effect; we cannot use the
word "dissidents" for them.
* After we adjust our policies to the reality, we must unite more
students around us so as to prevent the United States repeat its tricks.
The current policy is made on the basis of the different forces among
the students. What we try to accomplish is to win over the middle-
roaders, strike at one extreme and consolidate the other.
III. Party Organizations Among Exchange Students
* Organize those Party members who have stood firm to have regular Party
activities, three to five in a group.In cases where necessary conditions
are not met, keep in touch on a person-to-person basis. Those who are
not clear in their minds should be kept in touch with designated members
and being watched; if there are no positive signs,their party membership
can be suspended for some time.
* As for those members who have obtained permanent residence permits
(mainly in Canada), as long as they still love the motherland, their
membership shall not be revoked and they can be regarded as special
members. The membership of those who have accepted Western ideas and
openly opposed the Party should be revoked.
* Those who violated the Party principles and encouraged others to
withdraw from the Party should be expelled. Party membership abroad
should be handled according to concrete circumstances. Those who are
willing to withdraw from the Party may be allowed to do so after it has
been confirmed. Those who withdrew their membership because of confusion
or threat but later on requested to repeal their renouncement should be
dealt with on an individual basis, such as taking some disciplinary
measures or putting on observation. Those whose signatures were put on
the declaration of renouncement without their own knowledge should not
be counted as having renounced their membership.
* Strengthen Party organization. Kick out some and let some withdraw.
Get good members organized, they may also be kept in touch on a person-
to-person basis. Party members must receive training before going abroad
and their organizational relations should be handed over to the
embassies and consulates.
* A document issued in 1981 provided that if a member has lived an
extended period abroad, his or her membership should be suspended and
put in another category during Party census. If a state-sponsored
student or scholar does not keep in touch with us or fails to pay
membership fee for one year, he or she should be regarded as having
voluntarily given up their membership.
* Party organizations exist to carry out struggles, during which they
substain vitality. Only when Party organizational work is well done can
we successfully manage the students. In the United States and Canada,
Party organizations have collapsed and there are no longer Party
activities, but Party members are still there. Those who joined the
Party with the intention to change it cannot be regarded as Party
members.
* The first thing on our agenda is to control Party organization; the
second is to control Friendship Association of Chinese Students and
Scholars in local schools. Our demands should not be too high or
pressing. We can work like underground organizations, find a few
reliable ones in each school and form a Party branch. The backbone
members can stay abroad.
IV. Sino-American and Sino-Canadian Relations
* During his talk about the restoration of Fulbright Exchange Program
with China, Osenburg said that the Americans did not wish Chinese
students to stir up riots.
* At present, the Sino-American relations has plunged to their bottom
since the low ebb after the "June 4th event". The U.S. government did
not respond strongly to the lift of the martial law, although it
expressed some signs of general welcome. The Report on Human Rights
brought about new strains on the bilateral relations. We cannot expect
that the relationships will improve in the near future.
* In U.S. the previous consensus of the two political Parties on the
China policy now split into two rival opposites. One side deems that
China has lost its vital position in the big triangle or at least the
position has been largely weakened. At present, the reforms are
declining. Modernization needs capital, and techniques, for which China
largely depends on the U.S.. Therefore, economic sanction can force the
Chinese government to give in. The other side deems that stick and
carrot should be used in combination. Although the triangle position of
China declines, its strategic position, which restrains Moscow and
exerts influence on the west Asia still cannot be neglected. Therefore,
it is necessary to maintain dialogues in the meantime of denouncing the
"June 4th event" so as to pull China back to the track of reform. This
is the viewpoint of the Bush administration. But the bottom line is that
the "June 4th event" should not be disregarded.
* Bush's basic policies are: 1) maintain the status quo; 2) keep the
pressure; 3) leave some latitude. The goals of the two sides are the
same; the difference lies in their assessment of the situations. We may
make use of the difference between the two sides. Bush presses us on the
issue of the overseas students, and appeases on the issue of the
satellite.
* The resolution to the issue of overseas students relies largely on the
internal factors, and also on the external factors to a certain degree.
We should provide adequate explanation for the outside world and exert
pressure on the Bush administration. We protested the executive orders
of the Bush administration. The further contact with the U.S. government
will depend on needs.
Bush has two cards in hand: One is the Report on Human Rights and the
report about the "five-year provision"; the other is the talk about the
most favored nation status next May. The U.S. government regards the
issue of the overseas students as a big bomb on us.
* We don't have many cards in hand. The Fulbright Exchange Program is
one, others are continuation of exchange students, Peace Corps and
release of the political prisoners. We do not release our response
hastily so that the U.S. government be kept in the dark. Our success in
exposing and strucking the leaders of the IFCSS will add the pressure on
both the U.S. and Canadian governments.
* The "five-year provision" concerning the self-supported students was
only announced among ourselves, which seems to be a strike on the U.S.
government. We should stick to it. The newspaper "Hua-Sheng Bao"
released the entire document. But it is okay to be publicized too.
* Without the U.S.'s lifting of sanctions, the Sino-American relation
will not improve, and policies concerning exchange students will not
change.
* The pressure on the Canadian immigration policies should be
maintained. Teng Teng and Liu Hua-Qiu are in charge of contacting the
Canadian government on this issue. We temporarily suspend sending
students to Canada. However, this is not a long-term solution. The
difference between the U.S. and Canada is that the U.S. expect the
students to come back to help the modernization, but Canada allows
immigration so as to plunder Chinese talents. We need to sign an
agreement on this issue with the Canadian government in the near future.
* The pressure on China will further increase if the U.S. succeed in
having their way with the Soviet Unions.
(End of the series.)
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