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学自联通讯
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………第四卷 第二期 一九九二年十月
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目 录}
〖三权分立〗
总部工作大事纪 …………………………………………………………………… 5
理事会第二次电话会议简报 ………………………………………………………… 6
〖大洋两岸〗
【留学生保护法案专栏】 ………………………………………………………… 1
《中国学生保护法案》内容摘要 学自联总部
S.1216法案原文(英文)
众议院辩论S.1216法案的记录原文(英文)
关心国内局势，援助国内民运 国内朋友来信选登 …………………… 7
〖学子生涯〗
【各地会刊和外刊选登】 ………………………………………………………… 8,9 普渡之友 92年8月号
关于普渡学自联 李沉简
普渡之友 92年9月号
“问候”的趣味 — 二十种见面语
Chinese Illini 92年5月号(总16期)
雨丝 丹 云
雾中的飘雪 丹 云
悼六四亡灵 白 果
〖信息之窗〗
交通违章罚单和交通法院 沈 工 ………………………………………… 10
学自联医疗保险 …………………………………………………………………… 13,14
编辑的话 ……………………………………………………………………………… 1
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The IFCSS NewsLetter NON-PROFIT ORG
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Washington, DC 20005-2112 PAID
WASHINGTON,DC
PERMIT No.4812
Address Correction Requested
请告知新地址
本期再不回信确认地址者，从下一期停寄！！！
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〖编者的话〗：鉴于本刊经费困难，为紧缩开支，希望读者尽可能利用电子邮件订阅。我们即将采取的办法之一是，收到本期的读者，必须回信确认您的地址(即使地址正确，也必须回信)。否则，从下一期开始，我们就不会再给您寄送本刊了。
如果读者愿意从经济上支持本刊，我们真心地表示感谢。捐款多少不限，抬头请写IFCSS NEWSLETTER。我们将设立一个受学自联专业会计监督的专门帐户，接受和使用您的捐款。
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【学生保护法案专栏】
〖编者按〗：9月23日，国会通过了保护法案，10月9日，布什总统签署。自此，学自联游说国会给留学生提供保护的活动进入了一个新阶段。本期刊登总部提供的该法案的中文摘要，以及英文全文和8月分众院的一场辩论发言，意在给关心的同学提供一份历史资料。
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《中国学生保护法案》内容摘要
一九九二年《中国学生保护法案〔S1216法案〕》规定某些中国〔学生〕公民可在一九九三年七月一日起的十二个月中按照移民法规申请调整为永久居民身分：
⒈申请人必须是中华人民共和国公民，受布什总统12711号行政命令保护，而且应从一九九零年四月十一日后和该法案实施前在美国连续居住(短期和非正式离境除外)，在此期间回中国大陆居住不超过九十天者仍认为连续在美国居住。
⒉申请人将被免除移民配额、优先类别、劳工证明、入境许可文件和两年回国居留限制。司法部长可因人道和家庭原因或公共利益为由免除其他限制。
⒊该法案保护范围不包括下列犯罪分子，如贩毒分子、恐怖分子、危害国家安全和外交政策者、仍在活跃的共产党员和在美有犯罪前科者。
⒋如果总统在一九九三年七月一日前认为并向国会提出证明，中国大陆人士可安全返国，申请人将不得以该法案转换为永久居民身分。
⒌如果总统在一九九三年七月一日前没有向国会提出证明，则司法部长应通知有关人士申请调整身分。该申请人所使用的配额将从中国的配额中逐年扣除(300名技术移民，700名投资移民)。申请人无须等待配额，其申请一经移民局批准立即获得移民身分。
⒍受保护人的直系亲属(配偶和不满二十一周岁的子女)将可同时获得移民身份
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FULL TEXT OF BILLS
102ND CONGRESS; 2ND SESSION
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
AS ENROLLED
S. 1216
1992 S. 1216;
SYNOPSIS:
An Act
To provide for the adjustment of status under the Immigration and
Nationality Act of certain nationals of the People's Republic of
China unless conditions permit their return in safety to that
foreign state.
DATE OF INTRODUCTION: JULY 2, 1992
DATE OF VERSION: SEPTEMBER 30, 1992 -- VERSION: 7
SPONSOR(S): Sponsor not included in this printed version.
TEXT:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
Section. 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the " Chinese Student Protection Act of
1992".
Section. 2. Adjustment to lawful permanent resident status of
certain nationals of the People's Republic of China.
(a) In general.-Subject to subsection (c)(1), whenever an alien
described in subsection (b) applies for adjustment of status under
section 245 of the immigration and nationality act during the
application period (as defined in subsection (e)) the following
rules shall apply with respect to such adjustment:
(1) The alien shall be deemed to have had a petition approved
under section 204(a) of such act for classification under section
203(b)(3)(a)(i) of such act.
(2) The application shall be considered without regard to
whether an immigrant visa number is immediately available at the
time the application is filed.
(3) In determining the alien's admissibility as an immigrant,
and the alien's eligibility for an immigrant visa-
(a) Paragraphs (5) and (7)(a) of section 212(a) and section
212(e) of such act shall not apply; and
(b) The attorney general may waive any other provision of
section 212(a) (other than paragraph (2)(c) and subparagraph (a),
(b), (c), or (e) of paragraph (3)) of such act with respect to
such adjustment for humanitarian purposes, for purposes of assuring
family unity, or if otherwise in the public interest.
(4) The numerical level of section 202(a)(2) of such act shall
not apply.
(5) Section 245(c) of such act shall not apply.
(b) Aliens covered.-For purposes of this section, an alien
described in this subsection is an alien who-
(1) Is a national of the People's Republic of China described
in section 1 of executive order no. 12711 as in effect on april 11,
1990;
(2) Has resided continuously in the united states since april
11, 1990 (other than brief, casual, and innocent absences); and
(3) Was not physically present in the People's Republic of
China for longer than 90 days after such date and before the date
of the enactment of this act.
(c) Condition; Dissemination of information.-
(1) Not applicable if safe return permitted.
-Subsection (a) shall not apply to any alien if the President
has determined and certified to Congress, before the first day of
the application period, that conditions in the People's Republic of
China permit aliens described in subsection (b)(1) to return to
that foreign state in safety.
(2) dissemination of information.-If the president has not made
the certification described in paragraph (1) by the first day of
the application period, the attorney general shall, subject to the
availability of appropriations, immediately broadly disseminate to
aliens described in subsection (b)(1) information respecting the
benefits available under this section. To the extent practicable,
the attorney general shall provide notice of these benefits to the
last known mailing address of each such alien.
(d) Offset in per country numerical level.-
(1) In general.-The numerical level under section 202(a)(2) of
the immigration and nationality act applicable to natives of the
people's republic of china in each applicable fiscal year (as
defined in paragraph (3)) shall be reduced by 1,000.
(2) Allotment if section 202(e) applies.-If section 202(e) of
the immigration and nationality act is applied to the people's
republic of china in an applicable fiscal year, in applying such
section-
(a) 300 immigrant visa numbers shall be deemed to have been
previously issued to natives of that foreign state under section
203(b)(3)(a)(i) of such act in that year, and
(b) 700 immigrant visa numbers shall be deemed to have been
previously issued to natives of that foreign state under section
203(b)(5) of such act in that year.
(3) Applicable Fiscal Year.-
(a) In general.-In this subsection, the term "applicable
fiscal year" means each fiscal year during the period-
(i) Beginning with the fiscal year in which the application
period begins; and
(ii) Ending with the first fiscal year by the end of which
the cumulative number of aliens counted for all fiscal years under
subparagraph (B) equals or exceeds the total number of aliens whose
status has been adjusted under section 245 of the Immigration and
Nationality Act pursuant to subsection (a).
(b) Number counted each year.-The number counted under this
subparagraph for a fiscal year (beginning during or after the
application period) is 1,000, plus the number (if any) by which (i)
the immigration level under section 202(a)(2) of the immigration
and nationality act for the people's republic of china in the
fiscal year (as reduced under this subsection), exceeds (ii) the
number of aliens who were chargeable to such level in the year.
(e) Application period defined.-In this section, the term
"application period" means the 12-month period beginning july 1,
1993.
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Vice President of the United States and
President of the Senate.
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Congressional Record: The Passage of S.1216 in the House
SJ Q&A (August 11, 1992)
…………………………………………………………………………
Note: The following is the Congressional record on the passage
ofthe Chinese Student Protection Act of 1992 (S.1216), including
the amended version of the bill. This post is intended to inform
the interested Chinese students about the detail process of the
House floor action. It may be helpful for these students to
understand the process and the arguments presented. Furthermore,
it may clarify some confusions resulting from some messages posted
in this bulletin. The passage of the bill in the House is a result
of the bipartisan support, as long as the persistent effort of the
IFCSS since 1989, and, most importantly, the involvement of 40,000
some Chinese students. It is indeed a victory of the Human Rights
principle on this free land.
DISCLAIMER: The following text belongs to the public record and is
reprinted from Lexis, a subdivision of Mead Data Central, Inc.. The
sole purpose of this reprint is to inform the readers of this
public bulletin, especially those Chinese students to whom the bill
is intended to address. This reprint is a part of a research
project conducted by a law student from Case Western Reserve
University School of Law. This reprint may not be used for the
purposes in contrary to those set forth in the agreement between
the law student and Lexis. The use of this reprint, therefore, is
strictly educational and noncommercial. (Junwei Hou---CWRU-Law)
*****************************************************************
Congressional Record -- House
Monday, August 10, 1992
102nd Cong. 2nd Sess.
138 Cong Rec H 7818
REFERENCE: Vol. 138 No. 117
NOTICE: This is a preliminary document and is subject to revision,
including addition or revisions to reflect final pagination.
TITLE: CHINESE STUDENT PROTECTION ACT OF 1992
SPEAKER: Mr. BROOKS; Mr. FISH; Mr. MAZZOLI; Ms. PELOSI
TEXT:
Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
Senate bill (S. 1216) to provide for the adjustment of status under
the Immigration and Nationality Act of certain nationals of the
People's Republic of China unless conditions permit their return in
safety to that foreign state, as amended.
.................................
The Clerk read as follows:
S. 1216 ( .... Omitted)
.................................
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Texas [Mr. Brooks] will be recognized for 20 minutes, and the
gentleman from New York [Mr. Fish] will be recognized for 20
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Brooks]. (Mr.
BROOKS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of S. 1216, the Chinese Student
Protection Act of 1992. This legislation allows the Attorney
General to grant permanent residence to Chinese nationals, many of
them students, who have been in the United States -- in a state of
limbo -- since the Tiananmen Square Massacre. The students have
been permitted to remain and work in the United States pursuant to
an Executive order which expires at the end of 1993.
The bill applies to approximately 80,000 Chinese who have resided
continuously in the United States since April 11, 1990 -- the date
of the President's Executive order -- and who have not returned to
China for longer than 90 days. Chinese who are drug traffickers,
terrorists, security risks, or foreign policy risks are not
covered. Beginning on July 1, 1993, eligible Chinese have 1 year to
apply for adjustment of status. Each year, 1,000 Chinese who adjust
under this program are counted against China's overall immigrant
quota.
This adjustment program is premised on the continued threat to
the safety and security of Chinese students who return to their
homeland. As a result, the bill provides that the President can
cancel the program by certifying that it is safe for the Chinese
nationals to return to China.
I commend the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Mazzoli], the chairman
of the Subcommittee on International Law, Immigration, and
Refugees, for his work in bringing this legislation to the floor.
I would also like to commend the gentlewoman from California [Ms.
Pelosi], the distinguished Member of this body from San Francisco,
who has done outstanding work on this issue and dedicated a great
deal of time and effort to help these Chinese students.
Mr. Speaker, the other body passed this bill earlier this year.
By our support today, we can clear this legislation for the
President, who has already expressed his support, and finally place
the status of these Chinese students on solid -- and free --
ground.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FISH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of S. 1216. This bill is very
similar to H.R. 3871, which was introduced by Mr. Barton of Texas.
It will provide permanent immigration status to Chinese nationals
who have been allowed to remain in the United States since the
Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989.
Generally, the type of protection that was extended to Chinese
nationals is intended to be temporary, and beneficiaries are
expected to return to their homeland when it is safe to do so.
However, there is no real prospect that the Chinese nationals
covered by S. 1216 will be able to return safely to mainland China
in the foreseeable future. Given that situation, it is reasonable
and fair to allow them to adjust their immigration status to
permanent residency.
I want to clarify that this bill covers more than just Chinese
students. It covers all Chinese nationals who were in the United
States any time from June 5, 1989, through April 11, 1990, and who
have resided in the United States since April 11, 1990.
An estimated 80,000 people will benefit from this bill. Some
ofthem are students; many are not. The number of persons given
permanent residence under this bill will be offset against the
immigrant visa numbers available to nationals of the People's
Republic of China.
Under this bill, applications for adjustment of status would be
accepted for 1 year beginning on July 1, 1993. However, if by some
unforeseen chance, conditions change in China before July 1, 1993,
and the President certifies that the Chinese Government will allow
the safe return of the Chinese nationals, the bill will expire and
no adjustments will take place.
This bill is a reasonable approach to the unique situation of
Chinese nationals in the wake of Tiananmen Square and the continued
hard line of the Chinese Government. It deserves our support.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Mazzoli].
(Mr. MAZZOLI asked and was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. MAZZOLI. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
measure, S. 1216, the Chinese Student Protection Act of 1992.
When the Chinese Government rolled out its tanks to crush the
pro-democracy demonstrators of Tiananmen Square in 1989 it became
immediately apparent that the approximately 40,000 Chinese
students then studying in the United States would face substantial
risk of incarceration or harm upon return to China.
This group shared the pro-democracy sympathies of their Tiananmen
Square compatriots, and they did not hesitate to make their
feelings known. They demonstrated publicly -- as is their right
here in the United States. They spoke to, and were filmed by, the
media. They testified at congressional hearings.
In some respects the Chinese students in the United States were
even more suspect in the eyes of their Government than the
protestors of Tiananmen Square. If the students in Beijing were
dangerous to the established order, imagine how much more dangerous
might be those 40,000 students who had been directly exposed to,
had lived with, and had inculcated the ideals of freedom,
representative government, and due process of law.
Recognizing the potential danger to this population, the
administration in 1989 announced that no Chinese national in the
United States would be involuntarily returned to China for 1 year.
Less than 1 year later the administration extended this deferred
enforced departure program for approximately 4 more years --
through January 1, 1994.
Congress is sometimes criticized for waiting until the last
minute to get its work done. Congress could wait until the end of
next year (1993) before deciding whether to extend any immigration
benefits to this population. It seems to me, however, that there is
no benefit in that approach.
It is highly unlikely that by the end of next year the PRC will
have been transformed into a safe, secure, democratic and freedom
loving country. But should that happen, and should the President
certify to Congress that it is safe for the Chinese here in the
United States to return to China, the benefits of this bill will,
under the terms of this bill, not be made available to anyone.
Thus, we have nothing to gain by waiting to enact this measure.
We could simply allow this entire population to apply for asylum,
but that would add 80,000 cases to an already hopelessly backlogged
asylum caseload of 120,000. And since over 90 percent of all PRC
nationals who apply for asylum receive it, it makes little sense to
compel INS to provide individual asylum hearings for casesthat we
know will ultimately be approved.
The bill provides lawful permanent residency to the approximately
80,000 PRC nationals, both student and non-student alike, who have
been living here under safe haven since June 1989. Criminals, drug
traffickers and those who are otherwise security risks are
prohibited from receiving this benefit.
In the past, this committee has acted on numerous occasions to
regularize the immigration status of persons who had been here a
significant amount of time, who had become Americanized by virtue
of time spent in the United States, and who faced an
uncertainfuture if returned to their home countries.
In 1986, for example, the Immigration Reform and Control Act
extended permanent resident status to the thousands of Cuban and
Haitian nationals who had arrived during the Mariel boat-lift
episode.
In 1987 the President signed into law a measure that permitted
Ethiopians, Afghans, and Poles, who had been living here since 1984
under extended voluntary departure status, to become permanent
resident aliens.
In 1989 this committee approved a measure, which subsequently
became law, that allowed approximately 10,000 Soviet and
Vietnameseparolees to become permanent resident aliens.
And so the precedents for this bill are ample. The only real
difference between this measure and prior measures is that under S.
1216 all visas issued will be counted under the worldwide quota; in
previous programs the visas were provided over and above the quota.
Mr. Speaker, this measure was approved on June 24, by the
Subcommittee on International Law, Immigration and Refugees, which
I have the privilege to chair. The full Judiciary Committee
approved the bill, with minor amendments, on July 22. In each
instance the bill enjoyed wide, bipartisan support, and it is also
supported by the administration.
I urge my colleagues to approve this meritorious bill.
Mr. FISH. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentlewoman from California [Ms. Pelosi] who has been a stalwart
supporter of the Chinese students since their original
difficulties.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas [Mr.
Brooks] for yielding this time to me and also for his leadership in
bringing this legislation to the floor. When the book is written on
what happened in the United States following the aftermath of
Tiananmen Square, the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Brooks] will figure
significantly as the champion for protecting the rights and safety
of those who spoke out for democracy in China while in our country,
and I am grateful to him for his leadership on this.
I would also like to commend the ranking member, the gentleman
from New York [Mr. Fish] for his leadership and cooperation on this
legislation and on the previous Chinese student legislation.
Without his cooperation, of course we would not be here today, and
the Chinese students and nationals in our country would not have
the protection that they have of our law.
I would also like to salute the chairman of the subcommittee, the
gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Mazzoli] for his cooperation and
bringing his thinking and common sense into forging legislation
that is not disruptive of our immigration law while protecting
therights and freedom of these people.
I am sorry that our colleague, the gentleman from Texas [Mr.
Barton] could not be here. I am sure he is on his way, but he is
the author of the legislation, what I think is a finely crafted,
precise piece of legislation.
Mr. Speaker, 3 years ago in the 101st Congress, Members of both
Houses overwhelmingly supported H.R. 2712, the Emergency Chinese
Adjustment Status Facilitation Act. This bill was designed to
provide some protection to the Chinese students in this
countrywho, after the Tiananmen Square massacre, were suspected by
the Chinese Government of being involved in pro-democracy
activities. After clearing both the House and Senate with wide
majorities, this bill was vetoed by the President who, after much
prodding finally issued an Executive order to protect the students.
Now, 3 years later, the situation for these students in China is
still uncertain. Although economic reform continues, the Chinese
leadership has made it clear that they do not support political
reform. Recently Deng Xiaoping, the authority for the Tiananmen
Square massacre was quoted as saying "Once the forces of turmoil
reappear in the future, we will not hesitate to use any means to
eliminate them as soon as possible." There is a suspicion on the
part of the Chinese Government that Chinese students here in the
United States are part of the forces of turmoil.
Over the course of the past 3 years, I have been fortunate to
work with representatives of the Chinese nationals. Their
appreciation of the openness of our society and their commitment to
democratic reform in China is strong. Currently, though, because
their futures are uncertain, their ability to speak out without
fear is hampered.
S. 1216 would allow Chinese nationals who were in the United
States during the Tiananmen Square massacre to apply for permanent
residency in the United States. To be eligible for permanent
residency, the Chinese national must have first, been in the United
States sometime between June 4, 1989 and April 11, 1990; second,
continuously resided in the United States since April 11, 1990; and
third, not been to China for more than 90 days after April 11,
1990.
By granting these nationals the opportunity to apply for
permanent residency status in the United States, we will be
granting them an opportunity to continue to work for democratic
reforms in China. Assuring them of continued protection in this
country, as long as it is necessary, will allow them to speak their
consciences without fear of retribution. And, make no mistake about
it, the Chinese Government is capable of retaliating. We know, for
example, that the Chinese regime is keeping a close watch on the
students here, tracking their activities and harassing them.
We also know that China has not stopped its human rights abuses.
These nationals are in danger for their activities here if they are
forced to go home now. Mr. Speaker, political change in China has
not yet occurred. We must assist those trying to speak out for
democratic reform in China while here in the United States. I urge
my colleagues to support S. 1216, which will provide the Chinese
nationals with an opportunity to apply for permanent residency and
grant them a little more certainty in the future.
Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and
I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Hubbard). The question is on the
motion offered by the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Brooks] that the
House suspend the rules and pass the Senate bill, S. 1216, as
amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
hereof) the rules were suspended and the Senate bill, as amended,
as passed.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
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总部工作大事记
(1992年9月16日—10月15日)
9月16日：总部致函国会，对设立“自由亚洲电台”的提议表示支持。
9月18日：应澳大利亚学联的请求，总部写信给澳大利亚总理和议会，对中国留澳学生的安危表示深切关注，并敦促澳大利亚政府信守不强迫遣返中国学生的许诺。
9月19日：保护法案在参院突起波澜。总部及时发出指示，动员起全国学生团体，用电报，电话，传真等方式向国会送了大量的请愿书。
9月23日：晚上七点二十分，参院通过保护法案。七点五十分，总部在计算机网络上发布了这一喜讯。
9月24日：总部就日皇访华一事发表声明，要求日皇就当年的侵华战争罪行向中国人民道歉，要求日本赔偿中国人民在战争中遭受的损失，并钓鱼岛等中国领土。声明还抗议中国政府拘捕为日皇访华事申请合法示威的上海市民鲍戈。
9月27日至30日：总部与学自联法律顾问磋商，制定了游说白宫的计划。总部致函各大报馆、通讯社，提供了与保护法案有关的背景材料。总部还同各地学生团体保持联系，根据具体情况制定了游说方案。
10月3日：总部工作人员和几个工作委员会主席参加了理事会第二次电话会议，并做了工作报告。
10月3日至5日：总部工作人员与王若望先生会谈，讨论国内政治、经济改革进展。
10月5日：学自联主席耿晓、副主席贺保平、政府事务委员会主席时和平、学生事务委员会主席赵海青、副主席吉英泉会见白宫官员，促请布什总统早日在保护法案上签字。
10月1日至7日：总部大力协调全国的游说活动。各地学生以多种方式向白宫施加压力。有关保护法案的消息和评论开始出现在一些全国性大报和地方报纸上。
10月8日：总部同共和党全国委员会亚裔委员会联系，并得到支持保护法案的允诺。亚裔委员会的主任陈先生应允打电话给白宫。同一天，美国最有影响力的华人团体Oganization of Chinese Americans也应总部请求，打电话给白宫对保护法案表示支持。
10月9日：上午，布什总统签署保护法案。
10月9日：学自联秘书长张庆松和主席助理兼政府事务委员会主席时和平，邀请学自联法律顾问共进午餐，对他们数年来对中国同学和学自联的支持和帮助表示感谢。理事会招集人李竞洪和学生事务委员会主席赵海青也在座。他们还就下一步的工作目标进行了讨论。
10月10日至15日：总部开始收集问题和建议，为与移民局官员会谈、讨论保护法案实施办法做准备。
●：学自联社区信息中心计算机已经安装完毕，目前正在调试中。估计一个月左右可以正式投入使用，服务同学。
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理事会第二次电话会议简报
1992年10月3日
全美学自联理事会按照宪章规定，于10月3日召开了本届第二次电话会议。16名理事全部出席了会议。列席会议的有学自联主席、副主席，总部工作人员，若干工作委员会主席，监委会观察员等10人。另据理事会报告称，还有为数不详的公众上线旁听了会议。
学自联主席耿晓向理事会做了季度工作汇报，报告内容包括总部的财政状况和详细的收支记录，以及若干工作委员会的计划和工作。理事们对耿晓的报告，尤其是就财务报告提出了许多问题。总部人员尽其可能回答了这些问题。理事会然后无异义通过决议，要求总部修改财务报告，并在两周内送交理事会。
学自联理论工作委员会主席林长盛介绍了《学自联白皮书》编撰计划。根据该计划，《学自联白皮书》将记录学自联三年多来的发展历史，它将有助于让更多的人了解学自联，关心和帮助学自联，同时有助于推动中国的民主化进程。该书的编撰有赖于历届学自联的参与者和留学生的积极投入。
理事会考虑并通过了总部提名时和平担任学自联主席助理及《公共关系和政府事务工作委员会》主席的提名。
学自联信息中心主任丁健向理事会通报了学自联计算机网络/资讯中心的筹备工作。他预计该中心可在2-3个月内投入使用。
学自联专业人士工作委员会主席王石金介绍了该委员会和在美中国专业人士俱乐部(CPCU)的现状。他强调，随着越来越多的留学生毕业离校，进入专业工作领域，大陆学人面临着各种复杂的问题。他建议学自联在设立专业和专业人士数据库、与中国科技文教机构加强交流等方面付出更大的努力。
学自联中国学生事务工作委员会主席(CCSA)赵海青向理事会通报了国会中国学生保护法案的现状，提出了以低姿态游说白宫的策略分析。赵海青还向理事会报告了CCSA接受捐款的情况。他报告说共收到大约＄20,000捐款，已经有约＄10,000用于游说活动。
总部也向会议报告了保护法案的游说活动，并解释了对白宫采取高压游说策略的理由。总部用于学生保护法案游说捐款的帐号收到了约＄12,000捐款，其中约＄1,000已经用于与游说直接相关的活动。
理事会成员对当前的游说策略和捐款帐户的管理提出了许多问题。总部和学生事务委员会都认为公众(对白宫)的压力是十分重要的，但是对于何时运用这种压力却有不同的看法。他们表示要加强交流和合作，并且一致同意了预订10月5日与白宫官员会面时向布什总统转达的学自联的意见的措辞。赵海青还保证也在两周内提交一份CCSA的游说帐号的财务报告。
工作委员会的报告之后，理事会讨论和表决了各项议案。通过的决议主要有：关于总部财务报告的决议；关于沈彤等人被捕事件的声明；关于学自联医疗保险的决议；关于总部财政预算的决议；关于设立理事会人事小组委员会的决议等。详见理事会通过E-mail发表的会议简报。
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关心国内局势，援助国内民运
国内朋友来信选登
〖编者按〗：全美学自联自成立起，就责无旁贷地承担起从道义上声援处于逆境中的国内民主运动，和从物质上支持遭受迫害的民运人士。这里摘要刊登两封收到学自联捐款的同学和朋友的来信。为保护他们免受进一步的迫害，把信中可能被寻迹的文字作了删除或改动。同学们愿意支持学自联这项工作的，请与总部或国内工作委员会联系。
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
XXX先生：
我于X月X日去S市，再去G市和Y城，于X月X日回到B城。在G市时，接我夫人XX电话，告知你汇来了款。我此行主要是去亲身体会经济变革的实况，看看在政治专制下，经济部分自由化还能走多远。经费由办XX班的朋友赞助，我也抽空到他办的班上去讲点课。
我于X年X月X日走出秦城监狱。X年X月，XX大学做出开除我学籍的决定，但在6·4前，一直不敢和我见面。……他们现在采取收我宿舍、拒发助学金和粮票这两招，但一点也不灵。在政治上，我俯视傲视他们；在经济上，我完全不用靠他们。国内有些朋友，能保证象我这样的人的基本生活。我因此有足够的时间供空间自己支配。我和另一些朋友，正在认真思考和探讨一些问题。我是XX大学XX级XXX博士生。现在仍用一小部分时间思考这方面的问题，但主要投入于研究中国向何处去，以及如何去这类问题。统治者已经不可能回答这类问题。是我们作出负责任的回答的时候了。
邓小平1月讲话，5月中旬又去首钢。最近听说又带了朱榕基去了东北。另，田纪云在中央党校的讲话也较大胆。人民大学出版社五月出了一本名叫《历史的潮流》的书，批了以《人民日报》、《当代思潮》为代表的左将们。另一方面，李先念死去，听说王震也已气息奄奄。今天还听说邓颖超也垂死了。可以较乐观地估计，大陆的经济变革将进行下去，而且会有所突破，包括股份制改造、政企分开、企业自主经营等。这是一条较好的演变之路。老百姓吃的苦头小些，过渡顺当些。
我在美国的一些朋友，包括原来XXXX学院读书时的同学，也有北大的XX，还有XX，后来又有原对话团的XX、XXX，以及XXX。但我目前仅与XXX有直接联系。我与他通了信，也通过电话。我想，我们的心是早就相通的。八、九十岁的老头根本无权剥夺我们选择生活方式的权利。现在的问题是，我们要当之无愧地选择好，并竭尽全力实行之。大变动的出现不会太久，我们要抓紧作准备。
当局自然不在打瞌睡。今年6月上旬，在北京又抓了尚宏科(人民大学86级本科生)等4人，关在炮局，至今未放。但北京人并不怕。前几天，有一份《中国人权简介》寄到我家。
好，这封信就写到这里。……代我向所有关心大陆人民命运的中国留学生问好！
XXX 1992·X·XX 夜
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
XXX先生：
我是XXX的妻子XXX。收到汇单，正是我无家可归流落在外的时候，我心里很感激你们，你们的关心给了我生活的勇气。
自从XXX被捕后，我们在京16年的家就时时被单位威胁，以XXX被单位除名为理由，处处刁难我，找我的麻烦。92年趁我带女儿外出治病期间，将我们的住房用铁皮封钉住，使我们无家可归，流落在外至今。我多次找单位和政府诉说，但都没有效果。我带着生病的女儿，到处去租房、借房，心都要碎了，真是走投无路啊！目前我们暂借住一个朋友家。没有及时回信的原因，是我想有一个家以后再写。但总是落空。你们在外很不容易，这是我深知的。目前天气，今后怎么办？我的情绪一直不好。当局为什么这样地迫害我们？
感谢你的来信。我永记这一分感情。我和女儿谢谢你，并通过你，谢谢关心我们的朋友。
因我们没有通讯地址，来信请寄：……XXX收。这是我母亲的家，她会及时将信转给我。
祝好！
XXX X月X日
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关于普渡学自联
《普渡之友》92年8月号 社论
李沉简
普渡学自联是个什么样的组织？关于这个问题的答案真是五花八门，应有尽有。今天，我们普渡学自联执委会、监委会、学自联积极分子和大多数同学，好不隐瞒地愿意给予一个坦诚、响亮的声明，以清通视听。
普渡学自联是这样的：她是一个富有鲜明理想色彩、而又脚踏实地的、群众自发组织的利益团体。
㈠ 普渡学自联不是政治团体，我们不结党，没有政治利益的诉求，这是我们区别于中共、以及民阵、民联的地方。然而，我们这些埋头于书本、实验的学子，勤于教研的学者却不是没有理想，也不是没有政治见解的。我们信仰民主、自由，基本人权；我们衷心希望人类进步、和平；我们关心支持中国，希望她政治上开明，经济上繁荣；我们反对任何形式、挂任何招牌的专制暴政；我们谴责任何对善良人民的侵犯、虐待，尤其是如“六·四”那样的屠杀。我们有良心，而且不隐瞒出于良心的正义声音。人，是要有一点脊梁的。
有一种误解，认为在普渡的中国学生、学者，大多数是不过问政治的，所以一个组织若是含有理想主义色彩，便是《不能代表大多数》。事实并非如此。诚然，我们大多数人研习科学、技术，愿意老老实实为人，快快乐乐过活，我们不是政治活动积极分子。但是，一个学生组织的道德凝聚力并不在于它有没有理想主义色彩，而是决定于它的理想是否合乎大多数成员的意愿。坚持自由民主信仰，反对专制镇压，这是代表了普渡同学的心愿，已经不辩自明。
㈡ 美好的理想如不付诸切实的行动，便只能是自我陶醉的一纸空谈。自由民主说到底，就是让每一个人生活得更舒畅一些，富裕一些，少一点痛苦和不便。这便构成了普渡学自联的第二个支点\半空格{ — }\空格{}尽一切可能为同学争取利益，排优解难，丰富生活，为每一个普通人争权益。
让别人去说空话吧，我们一起干实事。
您解决身份有问题，我们一起来努力；您健康保险负担很重，我们来帮助；您想有愉快的文娱生活，我们设法提供；新来的朋友人地陌生，我们来关照。总之，任何有利于这个华人社区，有利于同学的，我们都尽力而为。
如果没有理想色彩，那是一个服务俱乐部；如果没有实际的苦干，那是一个清谈茶座。我们不是，也不想那样。朋友，您的学自联是一个您可以引以为骄傲的团体，您真正的朋友。让我们一起关心她。}
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“问候”的趣味
二十种见面语
Multiple Ways to Say Hello
原载《普渡之友》92年9月号
记得有这么一段相声：“你好吗？”“没吃呢！”这是用来形容外国人学习汉语时发生的笑话。理性上讲，文化背景上的差异酿成了这段“笑话”。初来美国，作为“老外”的我们自己也许正在制造“笑话”；或陷入更尴尬的境地。当你的美国同学刚见面就向你问候：“What's up?”，你也许会立刻抬头看天花板，当然是什么都没有，此时你或许会犯嘀咕：“我临出门前刚喷了一点儿固发液，不应该有立着的头发！”当然，你会以我们民族谦虚、内向的美德，向你的这位“老美”同学致以含蓄的微笑以掩饰内心的“抓瞎”。为了使我们这些“老外”不“抓瞎”或少“抓瞎”，现将常用问候语总结如下以供参考：
Dude (用时要格外小心，尤其在校外)
Good Morning
Good afternoon
Good Evening
Hello
Hey(Man/Dude)
Hi
Howdy
How do you do|How're you
How're you doing
How's (it) going
What do you know
What's cooking
What's going down
What'sgoing on
What's happening
What's new
What's up
Yo
在你晓知这些后，注意观察同学间的对话，以便运用对答如流。这些问候的答语也是因情景而异，比如“Not much！”可以回答上面列出的好几种问候。再有，代之回答“Fine！”而说“Pretty Good！”，“Not too bad！”或“Okey！How about yourself？”，这些都是国内教科书没涉及到的。所以，最好的方法是忘掉课本上讲的，用实践来补上“地道”的口语这一课，从问候语中寻求语言的乐趣，做到入乡随俗，“Have fun！”
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Chinese Illini Vol.16 May, 1992
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
雨 丝
丹 云
无声无息
你悄悄散落在喧嚣的土地
静静地挂在随风飘荡的发端
遮住一双双忧郁的眼睛
扶起无数轻弱的臂膀
贴在宽厚的树的肩
你，温存地呼吸
春的嫩绿合你的稚气
秋的深沉映出你的成熟
熄灭指缝中忧怅的烟
切断吵闹不休的电话
拉起窗纱
双手抱着肩，无声的叹息……
远远望去全无你的身影
轻闭上太累的眼
伸出双手敞开胸怀仰起脸
即领略你的魅力
侧耳倾听 全无你的声息
嘲杂纷乱之中
一张张陌生的脸擦肩而过
撩开零乱的发
深深呼吸滋润的空气
即捡起你如歌的旋律……
没有雷鸣电闪的赞颂
无须江河哗哗啦啦的歌唱
轻扬而来，恬淡虚无
织育天下一枝春，倾香浓郁
看早春所放的花
心中轻念
哦，雨丝……
1992.3 初 于美
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
雾中的飘雪
丹 云}
用并不专注的目光 漫不经心地
看这世界
手与手之间流动着白色，黄色和黑色的影子
目光对着目光击闪出血腥的烟
尖利的毒箭从血红的唇后的白牙里射出
重创的身体一秒钟一秒钟地倒下
刺眼的警灯穿透黑夜射到很远很远……
一颗颗 一片片
晶晶透着光亮的花儿
每一粒都开着清香的微笑
徐徐飘舞 伴着悠然的歌
触到茫茫人海 坚硬的大地 枯干的树木
无数的花被白白吞噬
而她，依然如故，随风而舞
用无瑕的手抚摸大地深深的创伤……
当五光十色，灯红酒绿被洁白一一覆盖
用并不激动的目光 泰然地
看这世界
手与手之间流通着柔合的阳光
目光对着目光洋溢爱的关怀
舒展的乡音从微笑的唇流出
伤痛过后的身体一个一个地站起来
绿草地 树 花 小鸟 溪
牧童的嘻笑声穿过阳光传到很远很远……
1992.3 于美
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
悼六四亡灵
白 果
你的生命
如同天上的云
虽然现在没有了实体
但仍有力量
托起沉重的苍穹
当晚霞
把海面渲染
我知道
你不让人忘记
血的火红
当闪电
从你洒泪的
躯体中奔出
我知道
你不让十亿双眼
在黑夜产生
对暗的适应
你的生命
如同地上的枫
绿时
是你繁茂的韶华
红时
是你炽烈的忠诚
寒冬将你化为尘土
你不叹息
却乐意
让自己的躯体
养育众多的蚯蚓
因为蚯蚓
固然渺小与纤弱
但他们
从不蹂躏
别的生命
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交通违章罚单和交通法庭
沈 工 北卡州立大学
到美国日子久了，难免要买一辆车；开车的日子久了，又难免要与警察发生麻烦。俗话说“常在河边走，哪能不湿鞋”。确实，鲜见有开车多年，从来没收到违章罚单的模范驾驶员。违章行车啦，超速啦，甚而至于卷入交通事故。当你接过警察递给你的罚单(Ticket)时，也就常常接过了足以令你困扰不已的麻烦。
诸多罚单中，违章停车或计时器过点要算是小意思。寄上10元，20元便可了结，毫无后患。如涉及大的交通事故，一般都要由保险公司的律师出面打官司。你作为当事人能做的事反而有限。但对于一般的交通违章罚单，比如超速驾驶之类，如何适当应对倒是一门小小的学问。处理得好，可以大事化小，小事化了。若处理不当，结果会罚了钱又留下不利的记录，进而导致你的汽车保险费猛涨，并且一涨上去就是三年下不来。
所谓罚单，其实也就是警察作为原告对违章者向交通法庭提交的起诉书副本。罚单上注明你违章的内容和应罚的金额，另外还注明应交的交通法庭费，大致要50元左右。有的人自感理亏，又怕麻烦(中国人还多怕上法庭)，所以总想认个倒霉，按数寄去罚款完事。但事情却并不因为认罚交款而了结。寄上罚款后法院虽然不会再来找你的麻烦了。但你既已认罪，则罚单上对你的指控便完全成立。据此将以驾驶执照记点和汽车保险记点的两套方式将你违章的记录存入电脑网络。当保险公司定期核查投保人的驾驶记录时，你“劣迹难遁”。涨不涨保险金便只由他们说了。以北卡罗来纳为例，从下列表格我们可以看到驾驶执照记点是如何规定的：
违章内容 驾驶执照记点数
超越正停靠让学生上下的校车 5
卤莽驾驶 4
碰撞后逃跑(仅有财物受损) 4
紧逼跟车 4
反方向行车 4
违章超越其它车辆 4
未在停车标志处停车 3
超速行驶(>55英里/小时) 3
未让有通过优先权的车辆等 3
闯红灯 3
无照驾驶或持已过期一年以上的执照驾驶 3
未停让警车 3
穿越安全隔离带 3
未买汽车责任保险Liability Insurance 3
未报告按规定要报警的交通事故 3
在学校区超速行驶 3
所有其余的违章驾驶 2
这些计点意味着什麽呢？对你的驾驶执照又会有何种影响？
如果累计达到7个点，机动车管理署(Division of Motor Vehicles)将要求你去面谈。在五年中还可以有一次机会参加驾驶员“学习班”，以求在你的记录上除去三个驾驶点。当累计达到12个点时，你的驾照可能要被暂时吊销。吊销期限分为三种：第一种60天以下，第二种6个月，第三种为一年。在受到驾照吊销处分日起以后三年内，该驾驶员被视作有8个驾驶执照记点。驾驶执照点将在计点之日起三年后注销。
从以上介绍的情况可见，驾驶执照计点不会有损你的钱包，但当计点累计到7点或更多时，则可危及你的执照。使经济受损的是汽车保险计点，请看下表：
保险计点数 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
保险费上涨百分比(%) 10 40 70 100 130 170 210 250 300 350 400 450
而实际保险费除了根据上表的规定，还要外加44.7%附加费(Recoupment Surcharge)令人元气大伤。且看汽车保险记点是怎样规定的(仅列举较为相关的情况)：
违章内容 汽车保险记点数
撞车后逃跑(涉及人员伤亡) 12
酒精在血中含量超过0.10% 10
在执照被吊销或失效期间驾车 8
卤莽驾车 4
撞车后逃跑(仅涉及财物损失) 4
超越正停靠让学生上下的校车 4
在限速55英里/小时的路上,时速大于75英里 4
违章超车 3
超过限定时速10英里以上,且实际时速在56-75英里之间 2
紧逼跟车 2
反向行车 2
在限速55英里/小时以下的路上超速10英里以下 1
看了上列的内容，不免人人自危。恐怕谁也不敢夸海口说“从来没有任何犯规动作”。
那么应该怎样应对交通罚单，以使自己的利益尽可能地得到保护呢？有的，那就是上法庭。
当你收到违章罚单时要仔细阅读，开庭日期一般在罚单发生之后一个月左右，所以你有充分时间作好准备。主要的准备是收集对自己有利的一切证据，包括修车验车单，照片，病情诊断书等等。为利用自己过去开车记录良好的优势，还应事先前往机动车管理署(一般就是申请汽车牌照的地方)去要求获得一份三年来本人驾驶记录(Driving Record)副本。不必要求正式复制件(因收费很高)，一份普通复制件(Regular Copy)就可以顶用了，一般收费三至五元。到了开庭那一天，要携带罚单，证据和足够交纳法庭费和罚款的现金(因法庭不接受支票和信用卡等付款方式)。至少要提早半小时赶到法庭，并尽早问清楚怎样可以见到地区律师(District Attorney)，简称D.A.。如有人已在排对等候D.A.的接见时，应站入队伍。有时候在开庭前20分钟或半小时，法庭工作人员才会招呼“欲与D.A.谈话者到法庭隔离栅栏前排队”，人们便会一拥而起，排成长队。而常常未及等到D.A.接见完所有的人，便已到开庭的时间。所以你进了法庭后，应尽管靠前坐下。轮到你与D.A.交谈时，应让他看你的罚单和驾驶记录等，有礼貌地请求他给你所希望得到的有利处理，并说明为什么你希望那样处理的原因。D.A.在听了你的叙述后，会告诉你他将怎样做。由于你能与D.A.交谈的时间十分有限，一般只在一分钟左右，所以应事先斟酌好自己的言词。在D.A.告诉你他的处理意见后，不要再与之争论。如果D.A.同意不受理(Dismiss)你的罚单，便是上上大吉，你可不必再出庭，立即回家并不用付任何罚款和法庭费，你的驾驶记录将仍保持清白。不过你有时却不那麽幸运，或者你情节严重，法庭已无法不受理这宗案子。但此时D.A.一般仍会提出减轻或改变罚单内容的建议。
以下结合一个具体例子来详细说明。在限速为55英里的高速公路上你超速行驶时速达70英里，被警察截获，课以罚单。注明罚款$10，法庭费$50。开庭日期为40天以后，上午九时。开庭之日，八点半赶到法庭。在询问D.A.是否可以不受理这张罚单时，D.A.表示，本法庭从来不受理超速罚单(于是取消罚单无望)，他最多只能向法官建议超速行驶的时速从70英里减为64英里。这么一减的结果是，你虽然仍将被记下3个驾驶执照点，但不会有汽车保险记点，亦即不会导致你的汽车保险费上涨。考虑一下，看来这也是近于最好的解决办法，比之维持原罚单的后果：3个驾驶点，2个保险点，保险费上涨84.7%是好了许多。权衡利弊，便说“OK”，回到座位上等候法官点名。D.A.可能会将你同意的处理办法与当事警察讨论，那位发罚单的警察作为原告当天是会出庭的。点名按姓氏字母顺序进行，点到者应答“在”(Here)，紧接着说明对罚单的态度：“有罪”(Guity)“无罪”(Not Quity)或“Open”表示愿意协议解决。点名后案宗便按各人申明的“有罪”，“无罪” 和“Open”分为三类。当法官再次点名并招呼走上前时，应走到两张长桌之间站定，面向法官。在当日签发罚单的那位警察起身简单说明案情后，法官会问你是否有罪，这时应答“有罪”。然后法官会问你是否同意D.A.的建议，答：“是”。法官再问，在法庭宣判之前，你是否有什么要告诉法官的，答：“没有”。于是法官宣布你违章从时速70英里超速行驶改到64英里取消罚金，但仍需付法庭费。宣判完毕，你谢过法官，暂回原座位稍候。秘书会招呼你并给你判决的文本。此时你可离开法庭，往结账处交钱后回家。
如果D.A.拒绝建议不受理(Dismiss)，减轻(Reduce)或改变(Change)对你的指控，你仍有如下的选择：
1)要求D.A.建议延期审理(Continuance)。然后不要离开法庭，在法官点名时，答曰“Continuance”。当法官再次叫到你名字让你上前时，他会为你重新安排一个出庭日期，一般就是那位当事警察下一次出庭的日期。你应当记下这个日子，因为不会再有专门的通知告诉提醒你了。这样做的结果是你可以争取到一段时间，以便与律师商量一个适当的对策。
2)再点名时，申明“无罪”，于是你就归于最后被叫到法官面前受审的那类案宗。当你再次被叫到上前时，坐到空着的那张长桌边的椅子上。D.A.将先对发罚单的警察提问，然后你可以对当事警察提问(Cross-Exam)。等D.A.讲话之后，你可以出示证据。在上述的那个超速驾驶的例子中，如果你能提供修车部出具的检查单，证明你的车速表不正确。当实际时速为70英里时只显示55英里，则你的罚单有极大的可能被取消。你也可请求让证人出庭。接着D.A.向你提问(Cross-Exam)，各当事人做最后的陈述，法官宣判。在法官宣判之后，你仍有上诉高级法院的权利。
3)申明“有罪”，但可以向法官(而不是向D.A.)请求“缓期执行，以观后效”(Paryer for Judgment Continued，常简称为PJC)。法官如果同意，你将暂不受到处分(但仍要付法庭费)。如在若干长时间内你“表现良好”，没有再收到另一张罚单(不包括停车罚单)，则这张罚单也一笔勾销。当然，如果你在这段考察期间又有新作，则老账新账都要算了，但并不是说要加倍惩罚。
假如你没有机会在开庭之前与D.A.交谈，则在点名时仍应答“Open”，D.A.会在审理你的罚单前叫你趋前与你交谈。
总之，上交通法庭对减轻或免去罚单的处分多有帮助，值得一试。当然对簿公堂毕竟是一件费心费时的事，但决不会令人难堪。在不幸收到罚单之际，顺便上美国的法庭去经历一番，见识见识也不枉到大洋彼岸法治国家走这么一遭。
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International Group Services, Inc.
和
全美中国学生学者自治联合会
十分荣幸地向诸位推出
一九九二年学自联赞助的医疗保险计划
谁有资格加入本保险？
● 所有与《全美学自联》有关系的来自中国大陆、台湾和香港的中国学生和学者，以及他们的持有有效学生或学者签证/身份的合法亲属子女；暂时居留在祖国之外；同时正在美国的学校学习或从事科教研究活动者。
谁符合“学生”定义?
● 所有持有有效的J1、F1或H1签证的合格者；
● 持有有效的J2或F2签证，正在学院、大学或社区学院学习并注册六个学分以上的合格者。
本保险有什么好处?
● 医疗费上限高达 ＄ 185,000.00
● 同一病患自付费 ＄ 50.00
● 因病休学补偿费 ＄ 25,000.00
● 病故遗体返乡费 ＄ 10,000.00
● 负担得起的保费
欲知详情，请今天就打电话给 IGS …… 800/394-2500 (Andrew Colbert)
Administrate
International Group Services, Inc.
10530 Rosehaven Street, Suite 350
703-591-9800 (Washington, D.C. and Nothern Virginia Area)
800-394-2500 (National Wide)
注:本广告中文部份仅供参考，请以英文为准
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Administrate
International Underwriters/Brokers, Inc.
10530 Rosehaven Street, Suite 350
703-591-9800 (Washington, D.C. and Nothern Virginia Area)
800/394-2500 (National Wide)
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